Elon Musk’s A.I.-Fuelled War on Human Agency

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Not long ago, the American public could have been forgiven for thinking of Elon Musk’s vaunted Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) as a version of a familiar Republican cost-cutting, government-shrinking project. The man who took over Twitter, now X, and slashed its staff by around eighty per cent would take a similarly aggressive tack against bureaucratic inefficiency, reining in budgets and laying off federal employees. In the past couple of weeks, though, it’s become clear that Musk’s aim within the Trump Administration goes further: he wants not only to reduce the U.S. government but to install his own technological vision of the future at its heart.

To run his agency, Musk brought on a group of tech-company managers and inexperienced twentysomethings whose credentials included internships at SpaceX. We watched as this crew began interrogating federal employees about their jobs, interfering with the system that controls payments at the Treasury Department, and trawling government budgets while Musk used X to call out the agencies and programs in his crosshairs. The team was aided in this demolition job by a suite of tools from the burgeoning field of artificial intelligence. Thomas Shedd, a former Tesla software engineer who is now a deputy commissioner at the Federal Acquisition Service, recently told workers at the General Services Administration that the agency will be driven by an “A.I.-first strategy,” which includes plans for a chatbot to analyze its contracts. DOGE is reportedly using A.I. software to identify potential budget reductions at the Department of Education. Anecdotes are circulating about A.I. filters that scan Department of Treasury grant proposals for forbidden terms—including “climate change” and “gender identity”—and then block the proposals. “Everything that can be machine-automated will be,” one government official told the Washington Post. “And the technocrats will replace the bureaucrats.”

The federal government is, in effect, suddenly being run like an A.I. startup; Musk, an unelected billionaire, a maestro of flying cars and trips to Mars, has made the United States of America his grandest test case yet for an unproved and unregulated new technology. He is hardly alone in his efforts to frame A.I. as a societal savior that will usher in a utopian era of efficiency. The tech investor Marc Andreessen recently posted on X that wages will “logically, necessarily” crash in the A.I. era—but that A.I. will also solve the problem, by reducing the price of “goods and services” to “near zero.” (Any explanation of how that would happen was not forthcoming.) Last month, Sam Altman, the C.E.O. of OpenAI and perhaps Musk’s primary nemesis, launched a five-hundred-billion-dollar data-center initiative called Stargate with the coöperation of Trump. But Musk, with his position as a close Presidential adviser, and with office space in the White House complex, is uniquely and unprecedentedly poised to fuse the agendas of government and Silicon Valley. (On Monday, in what looked like an effort to troll Altman and derail an investment deal, Musk led a group of investors in a nearly hundred-billion-dollar bid to acquire OpenAI.) In a recent article for the advocacy nonprofit Tech Policy Press, the respected A.I. researcher Eryk Salvaggio labelled Musk’s activities as an “AI coup.”

A government run by people is cautious and slow by design; a machine-automated version will be fast and ruthless, reducing the need for either human labor or human decision-making. Musk’s program has already halted operations altogether at the U.S. Agency for International Development, which was responsible for more than forty billion dollars in foreign aid in 2023, and at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, an agency that may have drawn Musk’s special notice for its track record of suing tech companies for deploying loosely regulated technology. Trump and Musk both love to blame the country’s problems on the so-called deep state, the federal employees who maintain the government’s day-to-day operations. As many of those people now find themselves locked out of their offices, with their work phones deactivated, a new, inherently undemocratic deep state is moving in to fill the void: a system imposed by machines and the tiny élite who designed them. With DOGE, Musk is not only sidelining Congress and threatening to defy the courts, helping to bring the country to the point of constitutional crisis; he is also smuggling into our federal bureaucracy the seeds of a new authoritarian regime—techno-fascism by chatbot.

Some policy-related decisions in our daily lives are already made with the help of artificial intelligence. A 2020 government-commissioned report identified the use of A.I. tools in departments including the S.E.C. and the Social Security Administration; OpenAI already runs ChatGPT Gov, a self-hosted version of its chatbot that’s designed for secure government use. But the Muskian technocracy aims for something more expansive, using artificial intelligence to supplant the messy mechanisms of democracy itself. Human judgment is being replaced by answers spit out by machines without reasoned debate or oversight: cut that program, eliminate this funding, fire those employees. One of the alarming aspects of this approach is that A.I., in its current form, is simply not effective enough to replace human knowledge or reasoning. Americans got a taste of the technology’s shortcomings during the Super Bowl on Sunday, when a commercial for Google’s Gemini A.I. that ran in Wisconsin claimed, erroneously, that Gouda made up more than half of all global cheese consumption. Musk, though, appears to have few qualms about touting A.I.’s conclusions as fact. Earlier this month, on X, he accused “career Treasury officials” of breaking the law by paying vouchers that were not approved by Congress. His evidence for this claim was a passage about the law generated by Grok, X’s A.I. model, as if the program were his lawyer. (Actual human legal experts quickly disputed the claim.)

It will not be hard for Musk to yoke his vision of government by A.I. to a narrative of American exceptionalism that the MAGA crowd can get behind. Recently, a Chinese A.I. company called DeepSeek released an open-source model that produced results rivalling OpenAI’s, using far fewer resources. This stark evidence of foreign technological competition has provided cover to tech companies to push for more aggressive A.I. development in the U.S., an A.I. iteration of the space race. Already, Trump has begun rolling back the Biden Administration’s efforts at A.I. regulation. Ultimately, though, Musk’s push for A.I. in government may be best understood as a marketing tactic for a technology that Silicon Valley sees as an investment too big to fail. A.I. is meant to be powerful enough to rule the world, so rule the world it must. In a recent blog post, Altman heralded artificial general intelligence, a hypothetical A.I. model that meets or exceeds human cognitive abilities, as “just another tool in this ever-taller scaffolding of human progress we are building together,” though he admitted that “the balance of power between capital and labor could easily get messed up.” Of course, what tech entrepreneurs deem progress doesn’t always align with more prosaic understandings of the collective good. Musk’s position in the White House might teach us that disruption is more tolerable in our social networks than in our Social Security checks. ♦

Sourse: newyorker.com

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